Review and critically discuss the problem of population growth.  Who would you side with in the debate between Ehrlich and Si

Sarah-Jane (Saje) Mathieu|

The African American Great Migration Reconsidered

M ovement has always charac-terized the African Ameri-can experience. Whether forcibly removed from Africa during the slave trade or sold across planta- tions in the American South and Ga- ribbean, people of African descent in the Americas remained acutely aware of how movement—open or clandes- tine—set the terms of their existence. As historian Steven Hahn so astutely reminds us, even before the Givil War, African Americans voted with their feet, utilizing mass migration as a powerful indictment of slavery and white supremacy's dehumanizing effects (!}. Therefore, when slavery ended in 1865, African Americans did what most had never done: they cast down their pickets and hoes and be- gan walking off the plantations many had occupied their whole lives. In his acclaimed autobiography Up From Slavery, Booker T. Washington, whose family members essentially walked the five hundred miles to their new home in a West Virginia salt mining town, recalled that "[a]fter the coming of free- dom … most of the coloured people left the old plantation for a short while at least, so as to be sure, it seemed, that they could leave and try their freedom on to see how it felf (2).

African Americans turned to migration as one of the earliest and most compelling exercises of their new autonomy and saw mass move- ment as a politicized response to their region's social, economic, and political climate. Simultaneously domestic and international migrants, African Americans used relocation as a measure of their freedom, as an exercise of their civil rights, and as a safeguard against mounting ra- cialized violence during the Jim Crow era (1877-1954), When it seemed that meaningful citizenship remained out of reach, even after migra- tion. African Americans moved once again, this time heading abroad. Consequently, African Americans lived out migration as a repeated pattern, whereby they followed the work, their families, their dreams, and the promise of safer havens wherever they became available. As with other migrant groups, African Americans did not so much move from township to city, but rather from small city, to slightly bigger city, then from metropolis to metropolis or region to region until they found conditions conducive to their success. Likewise, it is imperative

Booker T. Washington, here photographed ¡n his late aos, joined fam- ily members, as a boy, on a 500-mile trek, mostly on foot, to a West Virginia salt mining town. Such migration was an eariy expression of freedpeople's autonomy and determination to better their lives. Later, Washington became a vocal opponent of African American migration out of the )im Crow south. (Courtesy of Library of Congress)

to highlight that blacks also came to the United States after Reconstruc- tion, namely from the Garibbean, Ganada, Africa, and even Europe, They came as soldiers, artists, stu- dents, workers, and athletes, drawn by the same possibilities enticing scores of Europeans, Asians, and Latin Americans crossing into the United States.

Whatever their ultimate motiva- tions, it is important to remember that the Great Migration—nearly a century-long movement of Afri- can descended people—was part of a broader international pattern of population relocation. Especially since the Industrial Revolution, migration was spurred on by labor needs, food crisis, political persecu- tion, urbanization, natural disaster, and of course free choice. To be sure, African American migration since Reconstruction was a distinct- ly American experience, with im- portant social, political, economic. and demographic ramifications for the nation's history. For one thing, racialized violence served as an unyielding push factor for African American migration. By the same

measure, it is useful for students to contemplate that same black migration alongside other migrants— Asians, Latin Americans, Southern and Eastern Europeans—also on the move as of the mid-nineteenth century.

Motivations to Migrate African Americans migrated for a host of reasons. Many took the

roads to see for themselves the country that they had inherited, feed- ing in the process a wanderlust strictly forbidden during slavery. Many more African Americans spent months and sometimes even years searching for family members torn apart by slave trade or war, often chasing rumors of their whereabouts as far as Ganada and the Garib- bean. Others migrated first across the South, then throughout North America, with the singular goal of controlling the nature and value of their wages. As newly waged workers, African Americans hoped that their agrarian know-how could either ensure their own success as landowning farmers or at the very least set the terms for their labor as sharecroppers. Alternatively, jobs north of the Mason-Dixon line

OAH Magazine af History • October 2009 19

attracted thousands of southern black migrant workers eager for relief from debt peonage, a thinly veiled form of re-enslavement.

Most problematically, throughout the Jim Crow era, scores of African Americans urgently escaped the South due to rising racial terrorism. The escalation of white supremacist violence by the 1890s presented a crisis for African Americans, who raced out of the region with increasing vigor. The particular nature ofthat mass migration calls into question America's under-examined political tradition of ethnic cleansing through banishment, race rioting, and lynching. In Pierce City, Missouri (:9Oi), Harrison. Arkansas (1905), Forsyth County, Georgia (1912), Tulsa, Oklahoma (1921), and Rosewood, Flori- da (1923), nearlyall African Americans were run out of town on rumor of misconduct across the color line {3}. To be sure, this choice of lan- guage is polemical and may generate passionate responses, but it will also help students to think about the persecution of African Ameri- cans more globally since many other migrant groups in the same era were also targeted for removal, tor- ture, human experimentation, and outright extermination because of white supremacist beliefs.

The majority of African Ameri- cans who migrated during the late nineteenth century did so to estab- lish agrarian utopias west of the Mississippi. In this respect, those heading into Kansas, as some sixty thousand did during 1870s Kan- sas Fever, were fuelled by similar forces sending white Americans rushing west since the Homestead Act of 1862. )ust like Scandina- vian, German, Amish, and other European immigrant groups es- tablishing Utopian colonist com- munities, African Americans who chased their fortunes west of the Mississippi throughout the Cilded Age were driven by the same hope for peaceful autonomous lives on their own terms. In Buxton. Iowa, or Muskogee County, Oklahoma, African Americans created thriv- ing black townships (4). Whether black or white, domestic or foreign- born, these migrants craved self-rule, with African Americans citing full control over local governments, the right to an education, free enterprise, and freedom of religion as their chief political concerns. Accordingly, for African Americans relocating to southern Plains states, migration functioned as a last ditch effort at rescuing Recon- struction's promise by living outside of the South's emerging Jim Crow system.

For some African Americans, even Kansas could not provide sufficient safeguard from Jim Crow's touch, with many opting for emigration to Canada, Mexico, the Caribbean, Europe, and Africa as safer alternatives to life in the United States. The intensification of racial terrorism as of the late nineteenth century forced many Afri- can Americans into exile abroad. African Americans, who sang the praises of Canada as a promised land, braved rough terrain, danger- ous passage, and even death to reach that "land of Canaan." They did so cognizant of the fact that their emigration served as a politi- cal indictment of white supremacy and the exercise of an American democratic ideal. Haiti and Cuba also held an exalted place for African

Second Baptist Church of Bismarck, North Dakota, c. 1920. Fleeing the racist brutality of the |im Crow south, African American migrants spread out across the American west, and here formed part of a racially integrated congrega- tion. (Courtesy of State Historical Society of North Dakota, O739-Vi-pi4b)

Americans, who continually migrated there, namely from Louisiana. Similarly, many African Americans looked to Africa for political asy- lum, with prominent black clergymen championing Back-to-Africa movements as early as the 1870s. Reverend Henry McNeal Turner bluntly made the case for emigration, telling readers of his Voice of Missions. "[e]very man that has the sense of an animal must see that there is no future in this country for the Negro. We are taken out and burned, shot, hanged, unjointed and murdered in every way. Our civil rights are taken from us by force, our political rights are a farce"(5). Taking up the black clergy's call, a modest yet steady flow of African Americans set off for Liberia and Sierra Leone from the 1830s to the 1920s (6). Thus, migration overseas, a small yet consistently seductive movement, was held up not only as a viable migration option but also as a check and balance against worsening domestic conditions. In this respect then. African Americans demonstrated another classic migra- tory reflex, making them very much like other European migrants

escaping racial, religious, and po- litical persecution by taking to the roads and seas during the Age of Empire {1875-1914).

Great Migration African American migration

turned from trickle to flood dur- ing the twentieth century. Be- tween 1910 and 1940, the United States witnessed the largest and most dramatic mass movement of African descended people, as nearly two million African Amer- icans abandoned hope for a better life in the south and headed for points north, west, and overseas. To their numbers were added more than one hundred thou- sand Caribbean migrants dur- ing the first two decades of the twentieth century alone. In what historians increasingly under- stand as a three-pronged Greal Migration that spanned nearly a century—1865-1896; 1910-1940:

and 1940-1970—more than six million blacks shifted the weight ol their numbers, culture, and politics from the ostensibly rural south to various urban northern and western regions. The full social, cul- tural, political, and economic impact of this domestic racialized demo- graphic reallocation cannot be overstated. During the 1920s, outward migration from Alabama alone topped 81,000. Whereas Cleveland's black population hovered around 1.5 percent of the city's total in 1910. a decade later it increased more than 300 percent—from 8,448 to 34,451—presenting a new set of difficulties for municipal managers (7)-

Black migrants overwhelmingly headed to cities where an insatia- ble demand for labor in sectors like coal, steel, meatpacking, railroad- ing, and war industries paid handsomely compared to sharecropping. These black migrants often sojourned in smaller southern cities be- fore moving onto other ones north and west of the Mason-Dixon line, a pattern frequently seen with other migrant groups also charting a course across the United States at this time. Students must consider the urban impact of so great and so quick—if also at times tempo- rary—a population shift. For example, within a decade, the black pop-

20 OAH Magazine of History • October 2009

ulations in Chicago, Toledo, and Detroit ballooned by 148 percent, 200 percent, and 611 percent respectively. Of course. African Ameri- cans headed west as well, with the Pacific coast's black population in- creasing nearly sixfold from 1950 to 1950 (8). Yet the cities receiving these new migrants faced a host of challenges, including hurriedly accommodating newcomers' varied needs while also upholding Jim Crow conventions. Housing, transportation infrastructures, and em- ployment quickly experienced the greatest pressure, especially be- cause of red lining and other measures designed to lock black people into small residential pockets.

Migrants and the Black Press The black press brought these urban African American immi-

grant communities to life within its pages. Black migrants, who may not yet have had a voice in local governments, found it in the nascent black press, that during the interwar years effectively functioned as a defacto immigrant press. In fact by the 1920s, most African Ameri- can newspapers dedicated several pages to events from across the country and from abroad, vî ith The Messengerand the Chicago Defender most committed to fostering con- nections between black migrant communities. Historians initially believed that reports on weddings, concerts, and lectures were filler or insignificant society page gossip, but in truth these pages are actu- ally a rich source for examination. Students marvel at the range of lei- sure activities adopted by African Americans, but also at the extent to which events like piano recitals or poetry readings were the stuff of ev- eryday life, at least for the aspiring urban black middle class. Teachers should unpack these pages to see what more they reveal about black urban immigrant life.

Likewise, this affords a won- derful opportunity for a gendered analysis of black migrants' experi- ences. For example, the abundant advertisements for beauty prod- ucts do more than push whitening creams. Instead, they often point to the most lucrative business opportunities afforded to blacks, but especially women. In other words. Bee's House of Beauty was a woman-owned business—and hkely an immigrant woman at t h a t – providing employment autonomy and shielding the owner from the types of exploitation common in industries that typically employed women. That black immigrant women raised venture capital and en- joyed success, most notably millionaire Madame C. J. Walker, is truly noteworthy for an era when few women—white or black—headed their own businesses (9). Most pertinently, these black entrepreneur- ial women's experiences also emulated classic immigrant patterns of profiting from tending to their own communities' needs.

Cultural Diversity Urban black neighborhoods were richly diverse spaces thanks

to migration. On the streets of Chicago's South Side, Louisianan, Kansan, and Tennessean accents, foods, and musical tastes melded

Daughterof former slaves, born into freedom in Louisiana in 1867, Mad- am C. J. Walker (behind wheel, c. 1912) migrated to St. Louis and then to Indianapolis, where she developed a flourishing hair care products and cosmetics empire, joining her in Indianapolis are, to her right, niece Anjetta Breedlove, behind Walker, Alice Kelly, her factory "forelady." and back right, Lucy Flint, her bookkeeper. (Courtesy of A'Lelia Bundles. Walker Family Collection, <http://www,madamcjwalker.com>)

together, producing a culture distinct from Philadelphia's, where Ja- maican, Georgian, and North Carolinian migrants might wed their pal- ettes. It is important to remember that foreign-born black immigrants continually making their way to major American cities introduced a new cultural, linguistic, and religious diversity that redefined the American black experience in the process. In pre-World War I Phila- delphia, for instance, Jamaican longshoremen, who first learned their trade in Trinidad and Jamaica, worked on the docks and made a name for themselves in Local 8 of the radical Industrial Workers of the World lahor union. Well into the 1920s, people of African descent made up 50 percent of the local's members {10}. To be sure, the black migrant experience could be both embracing and alienating. For example, some Spanish, French, and Dutch-speaking black migrants remained large- ly linguistically marginalized, where African Canadians could move seamlessly through American society. A Trinidadian accent singled one out with the bosses, just as an Alabaman accent would, but with

different obstacles to each workers' advancement.

To date, much of the Creat Migra- tion narrative has unfortunately over- looked how the south's deeply region- alized social and political cultures underwent an amalgamation by way of migration to the north and west and gave birth to pan-southern cul- tures in the regions receiving these migrants. Moreover, homogenizing the social and pohtical contributions of foreign-born black migrants, such as Claude McKay (|amaicanj or Stoke- ly Carmichaei (Trinidadian). who are so often writ as Americans, waters down the lived diversity of the urban black experience in America. It miss- es the extent to which the lives and experiences of blacks in the United States have been far more culturally and politically diverse than otherwise discussed in the literature.

Whatever their place of birth, black migrants ultimately faced pre- dictable, or at the least common. challenges presented by migration,

making them once again more like than unlike the millions of other immigrants pouring into Philadelphia. New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles prior to World War II. The Chinese migrant from Guangzhou, the Mexican from Oaxaca, or the Pole from Wielkopolska, all rural re- gions, had no greater handle on city life than the Mississippi sharecrop- per turned Pittsburgh Hill Sider; at least the latter spoke English. In all cases, new migrants had to learn how to navigate the city, its sundry bureaucracies, and its noisy new technologies—streetcars, elevators, subways, and of course cars. Students should consider African Ameri- cans alongside other migrants also trying to make sense of their new urban lives.

A New Historical Vision For too long, historians of immigration and of African American

life have worked in isolation. When their tales intersect, it is often at the site of conflict: Pennsylvania Poles beating back black scabs; Irish hoodlums chasing down black South Siders in 1919; Brooklyn Italians reinforcing their whiteness by blockading blacks out of their neighbor-

OAH Magazine of History • October 2009 21

hoods. This story of conflict and contrast, while in many instances true, obfuscates the many similarities in domestic and foreign-born migrants' lives. That so many European. Asian, and Latin American migrants still lived in ethnically divided neighborhoods during the twentieth century undermines the myth that the path to the Ameri- can dream was smooth for all. or at least for those more white than others (ii). Put differently, assumptions about the fitness of southern and eastern Europeans also segregated them in ways that students should explore. Positioning the mass movement of African descended people alongside other global migratory trends during the twentieth century prompts students to think more broadly about Great Migra- tion patterns as a confluence of both domestic and international push and pull factors. This uniquely black domestic migratory movement forced real dramatic change in American society, including producing new levels of racialized violence in the areas that received these osten- sibly southern African American migrants. At the same time, blacks who headed to American cities ran headlong into European. Latin American, and Asian migrants also trying to outpace famine, crop failures, poverty, malady, and totalitarian regimes. New York, Chica- go, and Los Angeles offer wonderful examples of cultural mélange, particularly after World War II (12). African American and foreign- born migrants pouring into early twentieth century cities did so with the same thirst for freedom, entrepreneurial spirit, and the desire to chisel out their own version of the American dream.

Established migrant communities, black or foreign-born, taught newcomers how to navigate the workplace, the neighborhood, and the area's leisure options, with the apparent tradeoff that new migrants would not upset the fragile balance created between migrant/ethnic communities and their host neighbors. For example, Italian migrants avoided flaring up tensions with their Anglo-American neighbors and likewise, African Americans who escaped white supremacist tyranny in the south would not want to relive it in Pittsburgh, Minneapolis, or San Francisco. In the end, migrants—whether from Milan, Memphis, or Mexico City—each had to learn how to make their way around their new host city and the Progressive Era bureaucracy that targeted all of them as major scourges on the nation and white women's morali- ties. Moreover, the arrival of African Americans. Chinese, and Poles. for instance, generated comparable demands for quarantine, control of sexual behavior, and ever stricter policing of perceived criminal acts. In other words, African descended people and foreign-born im- migrants were frequently vilified, criminalized, and pathologized in very similar ways during the same historical periods, as evidenced by eugenicists who trained their nascent "science" on Mexicans, Asians, blacks, and "low-grade functioning morons," thinly cloaked language reserved for poor whites and eastern European and Irish migrants. Fugenicists. doctors, scientists, and public policy makers alike ques- tioned v/hether African Americans in Georgia, Mexicans in Califor- nia, or poor whites in West Virginia should reap the full rewards of citizenship (13). Might we not better understand immigrants' experi- ences^and by extension ourselves—by bridging the racialized gap between these relocation narratives? Besides, as Lizabeth Cohen's Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago. 1919-1939 reminds us, immigrants wove a complex network of relations that extended beyond the workshop floor.

Whether because of work, the desire to travel, natural disaster, or racial violence, the flush of African descended people relocating across North America since Reconstruction has had tremendous cul- tural, economic, and political implications for the regions both losing and receiving these migrants. Though the obstacles they faced were surely many, black migrants did not shy away from the challenges presented by their arrival, precisely because for so many—especial- ly those strong-armed out of their homes by white supremacist vio-

lence—the option of going back was simply off the table. The Great Migration effectively ended by the 1970s, in part because the rewards of decades of civil rights work forced new openings in the south that attracted at least some African Americans back to the region. Since the 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act, ever more foreign-born blacks have been coming to America, infusing once again a linguis- tic, cultural, and religious diversity first witnessed over a century ago. While the era of mass black population relocation may well be over. African Americans still turn to migration as the need arises, as most hauntingiy seen in 2005 when Hurricane Katrina threw scores of Af- rican Americans' lives into chaos, uprooting yet another generation of black southerners.

There is, to be sure, an exceptionally American dimension to the great rush of black migrants cutting across North America since the mid-nineteenth century. These mostly southern migrants abandoned a region wholesale on the promise that life in the north and west might be outside lim Crow's reach. And when it was not, they moved fur- ther still, into Canada, Mexico, the Caribbean, and across the Atlantic. While a host of push and pull factors fed this migration, the most important one, the most urgent one, the most uniquely domestic one is without a doubt the rise of racial terrorism in the form of ethnic cleansing, banishment, and lynching. Accordingly, African Ameri- cans on the run from Jim Crow became part of a more global wave of racially and religiously persecuted ethnic minorities forced into exile—in this case simultaneously, domestically, and internationally. Thus, for so many African descended people, their Great Migration amounted to a century-long quest for safe haven. Ü

Endnotes 1. Steven Hahn, A Nation Under Our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural

South from Slavery to the Great Migration (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005), 1-12.

2. Fitzhugh Brundage ed.. Up From Slavery hy Booker T Washington with Related Documents (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's. 2003), 50.

3. James W. Loewen, Sundown Towns: A Hidden Dimension on American Racism (New York: Touchstone. 2006); and Elliot [aspin. Buried in the Bitter Waters: The Hidden History of Racial Cleansing in America (New York: Basic Books, 2008). Marco Williams' documentary Banished: American Ethnii Ckansings. Two Tone Productions, 2007 aiso explores the forced exile of African Americans.

4. David A. Chang, The Color of the Land: Race. Nation and the Politics 0/ Landownership in Oklahoma, 1S66-1929 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010); Dorothy Schwieder, ¡oseph Hraba, and Elmer Schwieder, Buxton: A Black Utopia in the Heartland. An Expanded Edition (Iowa City: University oflowa Press, 2003): and Quintard Taylor, In Search of the Racial Frontier: African Americans in the West, 152S-1990 (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1999).

5. Ibid.. }66. 6. Emigration to Africa remained powerfully seductive well into the 1920;;

with Marcus Garvey's Back-to-Africa campaigns. See Claude A. Ill Clegg. The Price of Liberty: African Americans and the Making of Liberia (Cbapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003): Marie Tyler-McGraw, An African Republic: Black and White Virginians in the Making of Liberia (Chapel Hill: University of Nortb Carolina Press, 2007): and Colin Grant. Negro with a Hat: The Rise and Fall of Marcus Garvey (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008).

7. Within ten years. Cleveland's population grew from 8,448 to 34,451. See Darlene Clark Hine, William C. Hine, and Stanley Harrold, The African American Odyssey, Combined Volume, 4 t h e d . ( U p p e r S a d d l e River, N.J.: Pearson-Prentice Hall, 2008), 436.

8. Ibid., 481. 9. Tiffany Melissa Cill, "I Had My Own Business…So I Didn't Have to Worry:

Beauty Salons, Beauty Culturists. and the Politics of African-American Female Entrepreneurship" in Beauty and Business: Commerce. Gender, and Culture in Modern America, ed. Philip Scranton (New York: Routledge,

22 OAH Magazine of History • October 2009

2OOO), 169-194- 3nd A'Lelia Bundles, On Her Own Ground: The Life and Times of Madame C.j. Walker (New York: Scribner. 2002).

10. Peter Cole, Wohhlies on the Waterfront: interracial Unionism in Progressive Bra Philadelphia {Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2007).

11. Matthew Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999); and David Roediger. Colored White: Transcending the Racial Past (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003).

12. Scott Kurashige, The Shifting Grounds of Race: Black and Japanese Americans in the Making of Multiethnic Los Angeles (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007): and [anet Abu-Lughold, Race. Space, and Riots in Chicago. New York, and Los Angeles (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007).

13. Natalia Molina, Fit To Be Citizens: Public Health and Race in Los Angeles, )S79-jg39 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006); Alexandra Minna Stern, Eugenic Nation: Eaults and Frontiers of Better Breeding in Modern America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005); Wendy Kline. Building a Better Race: Gender, Sexuality, and Eugenics from the Turn of the Century to the Baby Boom (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).

Sarahfane (Saje) Mathieu is assistant professor in the history department at the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities. She received her PhD from Yak University in 2001 and specializes in twentieth-century American and African American history with an emphasis on immigration, social movements and political resistance. Her forthcoming book from University of North Carolina Press, North of the Color Line: Race and the Making of Transnational Black Radicalism in Canada, 1870-1950, examines the social and political impact of African American and West Indian sleeping car porters in Canada.

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